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As more people allover
the world realize that the murderous African dictator Meles Zenawi
and his daeth squads cannot be further allowed to perpetuate their
antihuman, totalitarian policies, this second part of Mr. Aman Kamsare’s
interview sheds more light on the Abyssinian regime’s discriminatory
policies, and on the ways Mr. Kamsare and the Front for Independence
of Oromia (FIO) challenge today’s most repellant African tyranny.
- What aspects of Amhara
/ Tigray Abyssinian oppression are unbearable and inhuman? More precisely, they divided our country into tiny provinces, and attempted to play colonial tricks by turning a group of Oromos against another. They arbitrarily imprisoned, killed, dislocated, and tortured an extraordinarily high number of our fellow country men and women. Furthermore, they robbed our natural resources, depriving us from our national wealth; Oromia was rich in gold and coffee, which became a monopoly of the Abyssinian colonial invaders. On many occasions, Abyssinian soldiers and gendarmerie raped Oromo women and girls; they systematically burned our houses and our forests, causing therefore a dramatic transfiguration at the social level, and an environmental depletion as regards the ecosystem. In brief, they destroyed our national and natural environment. Oromia, as African homeland without extensive contacts with other parts of the world, was relatively immune from a great number of diseases before the arrival of the Abyssinian invaders. They brought in various contaminations and diseases, such as syphilis and gonorrhoea. Generally, they did to us what English colonialism did to Kenya, what apartheid did to South Africa, and they did what all colonial powers did to the rest of Africa at the times of the colonization of this continent. In the case of the Abyssinian invasion of Oromia, the difference lies only in the skin colour of the colonizer, our colonials’ skin is black whereas the other African peoples’ colonizers’ skin was white. Sometimes it is even difficult to compare the Abyssinian brutality and inhumanity with that of the European colonizers. The Abyssinian attitude of the colonizers has been more crude, more barbaric and more intolerable than that of the Europeans. Saying this, I want merely to emphasize on the bitterness of Abyssinian oppression; it would never be my intention to opt for a colonial master instead of another, as I do reject colonialism in its entirety. Personally, I fell victim
of their inhuman treatment in very young age. As I mentioned already,
without a trial, I was imprisoned, and I spent no less than 12 years
of agonizing, traumatising and anguishing prison life in Amhara-Tigray
colonial custody. During my long stay in prison, they violated my
physical integrity as a person. They denied my inalienable right to
peaceful life. They subjected me to extremely brutal physical tortures.
Many times, they whipped me while they were drunk. They kept me alone
in solitary confinements in the Alambakany, Ma’ikalawi, and Assallaa
Karchalle jails, and in the Korea and Dhedheessaa concentration camps.
In all these prisons, I was not only brutally tortured by the Abyssinian
sadist soldiers but I was also afflicted by urine and forced defecation.
They did not allow me to go to toilet on time. I had to manage to
get to the toilet once every 48 hours, lest I be noticed by someone.
I was not only tortured by various sadomasochistic methods, but also
bred parasites, such as lice, fleas and rats. Along with my fellow inmates,
I was forced to observe other prisoners digging their own graves.
Is there anything more inhuman, unbearable and horrible than this?
- The political situation in Abyssinia during the current Tigray-TPLF led regime turns from bad to worse. It would not an exaggeration to characterize the current Abyssinian regime led by Meles Zenawi as neo-colonialist and crypto-fascist of nature. In order to hide its tyrannical and brutal nature, the Zenawi regime camouflaged itself behind a mask of democracy. Democracy is a shield of mendacity due to which the Meles Zenawi regime confuses the international community, and gets assistance for its war project. There is a vast difference between words and deeds. Chanting the slogan of democracy and self-determination, the Zenawi regime imprisons, tortures and executes those struggling for genuine democracy and self-determination. Throughout History, experience teaches that Abyssinian regimes and ruling elites cannot be democratic or manage to have a human face. Chauvinism, dictatorship, and totalitarian social traits are their common denominator. What we witnessed during the last two successive regimes is precisely the unfolding of these typified Abyssinian characteristics. The defunct Communist military junta led by Mengistu Hailemariam revealed its true nature through a painful process that lasted almost two decades. The same thing holds true for the current Tigray Abyssinian regime led by Meles Zenawi. The typical features of all the Abyssinian regimes, including the recent TPLF regime, are chauvinism, inhumanity, and tyranny. As it happened with its predecessors, the main strategic objective of the Tigray-led regime is to create an artificial Ethiopia that is dominated and controlled by the Tigray ruling elites. The tactics and the coverage they employ may vary, but the hidden agenda is always the same. And this is what we are attesting today, in front of our eyes… I want therefore to underscore the fact that the TPLF oppressive regime led by Meles Zenawi proved to be the bitterest enemy of the people of Oromia. It waged an undeclared war against the Oromo people since its grip on power. Over the past fifteen years, it has conducted a selective extermination of the Oromians, who all desire fervently to become an independent nation. A great number of Oromians have been kidnapped by the regime’s assassination squads, and we have no information concerning their whereabouts and fate. The TPLF regime did not
only reveal its racist anti-Oromo face in the most hideous way, but
it also did its best to make others hate the Oromo people. As soon
as it seized the totalitarian state power, it devised a three-faceted
anti-Oromo strategy: The target behind all
this was to finally crush the Oromo struggle for independence through
all possible biases, involving of course extensive use of military
force. - Human rights are violated in Abyssinia at all levels, from economic, to social, cultural, and political. To start with, the right of the Oromo people to self-determination is absolutely denied. The present Abyssinian colonialist regime recognizes the right of Oromo people for self-determination only in words. The theoretical acceptance of this right Is actually presented it as apologetics geared only for governmental propaganda; practically speaking it is meaningless. If there is a real right for self-determination in Abyssinia, it applies only to the ruling colonial Amhara and Tigray elites, and eventually to their satellite organizations. The current Abyssinian regime does not only grossly violate peoples’ right to self-determination but it also severely abuses individual human rights. Abyssinia is a country in which the most elementary Human Rights are being constantly violated. In today’s Abyssinia, breaking the physical integrity of a person is not an exception but the prevailing rule and norm. Above all, there is no
law to guarantee the right to life. Arbitrary arrest, extra-judicial
killing, and extensive torture are rampant under Meles Zenawi regime
of Abyssinia. The right to one’s own property is totally abrogated.
The land is massively owned by the ruling Tigray elite. It possesses
absolute and unlimited power to evict the Oromo peasantry from their
lands; the same applies to other non Abyssinian peoples. - My organization, Front for Independence of Oromia (FIO), has similarities and differences with the OLF and other Oromo liberation forces. We believe that our differences are reconcilable and can be bridged through constructive dialogue. Our basic concern is with the pro-Abyssinian elements that have infiltrated the leadership recently, and contributed to a revision of the original political program. We tolerated the internal weaknesses that permeated the OLF for decades. We tolerated the lack of experience and the incompetence of its leadership for we hoped it could be overcome through time. However, we could not accept that among the OLF leadership prevailed pro-Abyssinian and defeatist elements that promote policies of capitulation, therefore becoming sort of advocates of the Abyssinian pseudo-democracy and the globalization rhetoric. That is why we took some distance, dissociating ourselves from this group. We launched FIO without being antagonists with OLF in its entirety; we simply underscored our difference with the pro-Abyssinian elements among the OLF leadership, as this is crucial and fundamental. We categorically repudiate the recent political marriage consummated between the old Amhara-Abyssinian neo-colonial elites and the pro-Abyssinian faction of the OLF under the hypocritical pretext of alliance and tactics. This is totally unacceptable for us, and absolutely incompatible with our political position. However, we are currently focused on our own activities without comparing and/or contrasting with OLF. We have a clear vision and a definite ideological outlook. Using the term ‘ideology’, I do not refer to the old polarization between the socialist and the capitalist worlds. I mostly mean the ideas that are the driving force in our struggle for independence, and the advocacy for the liberation of the people of Oromia. We at FIO believe that a qualitative transformation can be brought about in our society chiefly through the development of the inner, behavioural, spiritual and cultural dynamics of our Oromo Nation. Any external conditioning depends mainly on our internal characteristics; we should not forget this. In addition, we are fully aware that, however fine and attractive the help, the influence, and the impact of others may be, we can only genuinely transform our own reality, on the basis of a detailed, multifaceted and multi-dimensional knowledge of Oromia, of our Culture, of our People, and thanks to our own efforts and sacrifices. We strongly believe that national liberation and fundamental social change are not exportable commodities. They are mainly local, national phenomena and situations, no matter to what extent they may/might be influenced by favourable and unfavourable external factors. This means our destiny is in our hands. We firmly believe that our fate is essentially determined and conditioned by the historical reality of our people. We do not dream to free ourselves by relying on external forces. We do not suffer from any ideological deficiency syndrome, and our minds are free of any self-deception strategy, unlike the pro-Abyssinian globalist elements. For us independence is not given. It is something that we can make. We have clear political principles and program. Our guiding principle is the right of the people of Oromia for self-determination. I understand that the term self-determination can at times be illusive and very ambiguous. By self-determination we do not mean a form of state organization included within the Abyssinian totalitarian state. We do not consider self-determination as compatible with any sort of federation within, let alone union with, Abyssinia. According to our definition, self-determination has nothing in common with the principle of joint-determination. Neither is it depending on electoral circumstances or constitutional machinations. By self-determination we mean the formation of an Independent, Democratic, Republic of Oromia. Nothing more and nothing less. To achieve this goal we believe in, and work for, the complete eradication of Abyssinian colonialism. This signifies for us, Oromians, the ultimate the obliteration of slavery in Abyssinia and Oromia. However bitter our situation may be, this is a bitter truth, and we must acknowledge it. We tell this truth, without disguising it, to both our enemies and our friends. We just do not accept slavery. We actually never did. This artificial fabrication, the Abyssinian or ‘Ethiopian’ Empire, was never a nation; it never became a nation. Even worse for its ruling classes, it was never accepted as the realm of a nation by the oppressed nations and masses. Under its various metamorphoses, it has always been an alien, imposed empire. Because of this, it has always been a moribund construction, a gradually decaying state liable only to natural death. We have our clear strategic objectives. The formation of an Independent, Democratic, Republic of Oromia has three dimensions, which are complimentary and indivisible: 1. Territorial Integrity of Oromia. This means we stand for the restoration of the historical Orom-biyyaa. Sticking to our Principles and Ideals, we do not intend to inherit the artificial colonial boundaries that are irrelevant, a simple historical monument of undeserved experience. The international borders of Oromia will be the borders that pre-existed to the Abyssinian colonial invasion. 2. Popular Sovereignty in Oromia. This signifies that the supreme power in Oromia emanates from the People of Oromia. No other authority can be placed higher than our People in our country. 3. The rise of the Democratic Society of Oromia. By democratic social system, we refer to Gada, the historical, genuinely African system of Democratic Society that has for centuries reflected the Kushitic Values of Humanity, Fraternity, Justice, Equity and Freedom. In tomorrow’s Oromia, Gada will be the source of our Political and Constitutional Philosophy. As it can be easily deduced, Gada is diametrically opposed to the bogus-concept of the so-called "Abyssinian democracy". As I pointed out earlier, our mission is not to democratizing a colonial empire which is an obsolete system, but to definitely dismantle it. Our objective is not to replace colonialist rulers with new, this time Oromo native, oppressors and tyrants. We aspire to put an end to slavery and injustice in all their forms, be they internal or external. This clear position alleviates the eventual ‘threat’ of an Oromo elite rising to replace within the same state’s frame the Amhara – Tigray ruling class. This would change only the name of the tyranny, and is of purely anti-Oromo, anti-Kushitic character. We have a realistic, national strategy. We do not indulge ourselves in a daydream of passivism. We are for peace and we are against defeatism. We shall not allow any further harm to be made to the Oromo Nation. We have the right to continue to exist and to prosper as a Great African Nation. Abyssinians have deployed their greatest effort to destroy us as a Nation. They never understood the language of Peace. The only language they understand is that of the gun. Consequently, a liberation war is not our choice. It is a reality - imposed on us. We are left with no alternative. We die and bleed in our invaded country because we are still being Oromos. Anguished, we have been languished in the hell of the Abyssinian prisons because of our national identity. Our choice is either to perish or to accept slavery. To survive from the long lasting Oromo Holocaust and live in National Dignity, we must defend ourselves. As we are devoured by the Abyssinian political and military hyenas, we are forced to oppose them by all means and make them harmless to our wives, children and the elders.. As a matter of fact, we have a realistic plan of action. We believe in action rather than empty words. We want to be judged not only on the basis of political discourses but mainly on account of our deeds. - Are you happy with the international awareness and outreach work performed so far by Oromo intellectuals and political activists allover the world? - No, I am not satisfied with the international awareness of our situation. Unfortunately, we are victims of a certain misunderstanding. To assess correctly, the international community seems not to have properly understood us. This is due to certain reasons. One of them is the Abyssinian state’s monopoly of information. The international community is denied access to authentic information from original sources. They seem to be ‘forced’ to accept what the Abyssinian state’s representatives, the diplomats, ministers, and high administrators, narrate to them about Abyssinia, named ‘Ethiopia’. The international community has not yet shaped a perspicacious view into the realities of the Abyssinian tyranny. Their idea about the so-called ‘Ethiopia’ is a fiction. Another reason is the fact that the European colonial powers have the interest to maintain the Abyssinian colonial empire, preserving the Amhara and Tigray elites in power. As a matter of fact, the artificial ‘Ethiopian’ empire was originally created by the European colonial powers themselves. One should not forget this historically reality. They used the small, anachronistic, medieval monarchy of Abyssinia, turning it to the cornerstone of the entire colonization of the Horn of Africa. History teaches that Abyssinia was the only black kingdom – tiny at those days – that participated in the disreputable 1884 Berlin Conference that left bleak memories throughout the Black Continent where we call it "the Scramble for Africa". Only after that day, the Abyssinian monarchy started expanding as a buffer colonial state geared to bring balance among the British, French, Italian and German zones of colonial division of Africa. All this happened to the prejudice of the Oromos, the Sidamas, the Ogadenis and the Afars, who have been gradually colonized by the Abyssinian monarchical tyranny. I appeal to the democratic, freedom-loving international community. We are victims of injustice. We are being killed, imprisoned, tortured, and dislocated without the dictatorial state of Abyssinia being held responsible for any crime. We do not demand privileges. We request that the fundamental Human Right, the Right to Self-Determination, the right to live in our own homeland, should be respected for the Great Historical Nation of the Oromos as well. The international community should put themselves in our shoes so that they get an idea of how dramatic and inhuman our situation is. - Would you explain to
our readers the meaning and the identity of the 'Debteras'? The medieval and totalitarian Debteras prefer to die rather than to accept that the Amhara and Tigray ethnic groups are equal with the oppressed by them non-Abyssinian peoples. Do not even mention the independence of these peoples! The massively analphabetic Debteras are perilous indeed for the entire African continent; they have been accustomed with the idea of declaring wars after wars. They believe they have a kind of messianic right to rule and dominate others. Having a dangerous, racist and bogus-messianic vision about Abyssinia, they are genuine messengers of historical falsification, obscurantism, violence, hatred, and ignorance. They murdered many European explorers who intended to study their own, Abyssinian, past, and publish Cueze manuscripts. They are absurd, paranoid, and Oromo-phobic; they are characterized by suspicion against, and rejection of, the ‘Other’, whoever and whatever the ‘Other’ may be. I have never come across an Abyssinian Debtera who would face the truth, and courageously and boldly accept the crimes committed against the Oromo people and other nations; let alone apologize! In vain, and in striking
contrast with today’s miserably low economic and technological level
of underdeveloped Abyssinia, they keep preaching the glory of the
past Abyssinian kingdom, eulogizing in racist terms the Abyssinian
nation, language, and heretic religion. As it can be understood, in their mind they do not offer any space for the oppressed nations; and in their imperial tyranny, the only free space they offer to the oppressed peoples is at gunpoint. - The Oromos are a sizeable Kushitic people of Africa; what are your connections and relations with other African Kushitic peoples, the Berbers of Atlas, the Haussa, and others? - For me the national names Oromians, Kushites, Berbers, Hausas, Sudanese, and Egyptians are synonyms. They are variants denoting the same people under various linguistic designations. To commit a conscious mistake, I would name myself Kushite or Berber, Haussa, Sudanese and Egyptian rather than calling myself an Ethiopian. The Abyssinian Debteras have stolen the historically Kushitic name ‘Ethiopia’, falsely attributing it to their colonial empire, which was created with the help of the European colonial military machine. - Mr. Kamsare, thank you for this interview. NOTE:
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